According to Robert de Clari

According to Robert de Clari, the doge himself came to recognize that the Venetian policy of pushing the Crusaders in their distress too far was mischievous. “ Sirs,” said he, addressing his council, “if we let these men go home we shall be looked on as rogues and tricksters. Let us propose to them that, if they will pay us the 36,000 marks out of their share of the first conquest they make, we will transport them beyond sea.” There was no proposal here to take Zara or to attack Constantinople.

The Outremer to which they were to be transported was understood to be the land of the infidel. The conquests they were to make were to be the lawful spoils of a crusading war. There was nothing whatever in the suggestion to make it unacceptable to the Crusaders who gave heed to their vow. Hence, when the doge, having obtained the consent of the Venetian council, submitted the proposal to them, they accepted it gladly. A way had been found out of their difficulty.

They were to leave the fever grounds of the Lido, were to go over the sea to fight the infidel and to fulfil their vow. On the announcement of the proposal their camp was illuminated, and there were other manifestations of it is difficult to determine precisely when this proposition was made. Probably it was in the last week of July, 1202. The 21th of June was the latest time appointed for the arrival of the pilgrims. The second attempt to collect the balance due had been made probably in the middle of July. Shortly afterwards came this proposal, which was joyfully accepted. Yillehardouin speaks only of one proposal, namely, that to help the Venetians to capture Zara. If his account is to be reconciled with that of the non-official writers, the explanation is that the attack upon the Christian city was at the time carefully concealed from the mass of the Crusaders, a policy which was continually pursued throughout the expedition. Robert de Clari, as we have seen, represents the proposal quite otherwise, and the fact that it was joyfully welcomed shows that the Crusaders were told nothing of an attack upon a Christian city as part of it.

Another writer3 states that the Venetians kept the Crusaders prisoners for three months, and would not allow them to return home, and when Visit Bulgaria, after that time, their substance was nearly consumed, then they were compelled to go to Zara. We learn from a German writer3 that after much complaint, both on the side of the Venetians and on that of the Crusaders, it was at length agreed that the Venetians should go with the pilgrims, and that whatever was gained should be equally divided, but that from the part going to the pilgrims the balance due for freight should be deducted for the Venetians.

Crusading spirit was far too strong

We may rest assured that the pilgrims did not accept joyfully the promise to go to Zara, because, as we shall see, the crusading spirit was far too strong in the army for them yet to tolerate the idea of an attack upon a Christian city.

The conclusion at which I arrive after a comparison of the authorities is either that there were two distinct proposals, one made in July for the payment out of the proceeds of lawful spoil, and a subsequent one, made some weeks later, for payment out of the spoil to be taken at Zara; or that, if the proposal to attack Zara were made in July, it was made only to the leaders, and was carefully concealed at first from the mass of the Crusaders. Robert de Chari’s account points to the existence of two proposals.

After speaking of the illuminations on the Lido when the doge’s first proposal was made and accepted, he states that the doge afterwards went to the camp and declared that the winter was lost, and that it was too late to go to Outremer. Then the secret was let out. “Let us do the next best thing. There is a city near here called Zara, which has often defied us, and which we are going to punish if we can. If you will listen to me we will pass the winter there until Easter, and then we will go to Outremer at Lady Day. Zara is full of provisions and riches.” Then this author adds: “The barons and leaders of the Crusaders assented to the doge’s proposal. But this proposal was not known to all the army. Robert probably believed that there were two proposals, and that even the last was kept secret from the host.

Their common intrigues at Venice Bomface

Their common intrigues at Venice Bomface. and at Zara, their common struggles with the Crusaders, who wished to be about their lawful business while at Corfu and before Constantinople, and their final success in spite of so much opposition, formed a bond of union between them. Boniface was far more closely allied with.

Dandolo than was Baldwin. Whether the assertion of a Venetian writer be true or not, that Boniface had married a daughter of Dandolo1—and I see no reason to doubt it—it is at least certain that the relations between them had been of the most intimate kind. ‘Since the capture of the city the breach be-tween the Crusaders and the Venetians appeared to be continually widening. There was great dissatisfaction about the division of the spoil. The Crusaders charged the Venetians with having conveyed plunder by night to their ships instead of having given it up for distribution. Such a charge was more likely to be made by the Flemish and French Crusaders.

The younger Sanudo makes this assertion: “Vito do’ duchi di Venez.,” Muratori, Du Cange, in his genealogy of the kings of Thessaloniea, mentions Constance de Suene as his first wife.

See than by the Lombards. The sympathy therefore of the Venetians was more likely to be with Boniface than with his rival. To these considerations others must be added.

Imposing presence

Boniface, with a noble lignre and imposing presence which had caused him to be known as “ The Giant,” and with his great experience of war, was the popular type of an emperor. Above all, he had been the recognized and official leader of the expedition. lie had been solemnly appointed by the Crusaders, had shared his fortune with them, had led them to conquest and to plunder. His supreme authority had never been questioned. Moreover, he had been recognized by the inhabitants of the city as their ruler.

The party of young Alexis would be on his side, and his marriage with Margaret, or as she now called herself, Maria, the widow of the Emperor Isaac, would increase his followers within the city. I7ot to appoint him was to condemn him. He was the one whose name would naturally first rise to each man’s lips. To appoint another over his head was to declare that he no longer possessed the confidence of the host, but that he had been tried and had been found wanting.

FLIGHT OF THE EMPEROR ALEXIS AND RESTORATION OF ISAAC

REVOLUTION IN THE CITY

THE most useful ally of the invaders was the spirit of indifference and discontent which reigned within the city. “While this spirit paralyzed the efforts of the defenders, there was probably also a small but active, although secret, party in favor of Isaac and of young Alexis. The latter had made many promises to his friends within the city, and had urged them to assist him.

The dissatisfaction with the ruling emperor was great, and was doubtless increased by this party. The enemy in constants without had not asked for possession of the city.

Convention with Alexis

There was nothing said even about an occupation. All that was demanded was that a young prince, who undoubtedly had claims to the throne if his father were dead, should replace Alexis the Third. There was indeed a payment to be made, though it is doubtful whether the terms of the convention with Alexis were at this time known within the city, and, even if they were, the payment might perhaps be avoided, or at least levied on the provinces. At any rate, it was better to come to an arrangement with the enemy when his demands were so reasonable than to fight. Moreover, there was now a distinct threat that if an arrangement were not made the

city would be destroyed.1 Accordingly there was considerable murmuring within the city. The many dynastic troubles within the experience of the inhabitants made them think lightly of a change of rulers. Alexis the Third had done nothing to make himself respected. He was now informed that if he did not deliver his subjects from the enemy, they would declare for the younger Alexis, and would make him emperor.

THE ASSAULT CAPTURE AND PLUNDER OF TIIE CITY

The bear’s skin having thus been divided, it only remained to capture the bear.

The Crusaders and Venetians had been pressing on their works for the attack upon the city with all their might. Rewards were offered to those whose scaling-ladders and covered gangways, to be thrown out from the ships’ cross-trees to the walls, were first ready. The machines were prepared for hurling stones. Battering-rams, ballistse, mangonels, and all the engines known to the military science of the time for attacking a walled city were got ready. There was no longer any question of leaving for the Holy Land. The lust of gain had fallen upon the whole of the army, and while they were making preparations for the attack they were already planning out the best course for a division of the spoil.

THE ASSAULT, CAPTURE, AND PLUNDER OF TIIE CITY

The preparations which the leaders had been pushing on Preparations during several weeks were completed by the 8th of for the attack. April, and that day was chosen for an assault upon the city. A noteworthy change of plan had been made from that which had been acted upon nine months before. Instead of attacking simultaneously a portion of the harbor walls and a portion of the landward walls, Venetians and Crusaders alike directed their efforts against the defences on the side of the harbor. The horses were embarked once more in the lniissiers. The line of battle was drawn up; the huissiers and galleys in front, the transports a little behind, and alternating between the huissiers and the galleys.

The whole length of the line of battle was upwards of half a league, and stretched from the Blachern to beyond the Petrion. The emperor’s vermilion tent had been pitched on the hill just beyond the district of the Petrion, where he could see the ships when they came immediately under the walls. Before him was the district which had been devastated by the fire. On the morning of An assault is ^ie 9th the ships, drawn up in the order I have de- made’ scribed, passed over from the north to the south side of the harbor.

Emperor Alexis the Third

Knowing that the cardinal agreed with Boniface, he forbade him to return to the army. But, notwithstanding this attitude of opposition, he appears to have thought it desirable at this time to keep the question in suspense. An embassy had been sent to Venice by the Emperor Alexis the Third to endeavor to bring about an alliance with the republic. It was, however, too late, and was treated with ignominy.

From Venice it appears to have gone to Rome. The emperor seems from the first to have suspected the designs of Philip, of Boniface, and of Dandolo, and his embassy was the bearer of a golden bull asking for the aid of the pope against these designs. Innocent regarded the opportunity as favorable to his own plans. The great inducement which the young Alexis had offered to obtain the pontiff’s support was the union of the churches, an object only less dear to Innocent than the success of the crusade. While promising aid to Alexis, the reigning emperor, he did so con-ditionally upon this union being brought about. At the same time he sent word to the army, distinctly forbidding the Crusaders to attack Romania.

The messengers sent to Philip by the Crusaders in Venice Embassy during September, to submit the proposition for reaches assisting Alexis, arrived in Germany in October.

Negotiations at Rome

Probably about the same time Philip would hear of the failure of the negotiations at Rome. This ill news would, however, be more than counterbalanced by the tidings of the great obstacle put in the way of the crusade by Venice. If the republic could thus divert the expedition from its object, there was every reason to hope that, with Dandolo’s help, he would be able to turn its energy to the accomplishment of his purpose. Henceforward Philip acted more boldly, and was recognized by all as taking the leading part in the direction of the crusade. He negotiated the agreement that was to be made for aiding young Alexis. He acted at once as his guardian and guarantor. He sealed on his own behalf the treaty when concluded. In November the messengers of the Crusaders left Philip, accompanied by German plenipotentiaries. They arrived at Venice in the middle of December, and on the 1st of January, 1203, made their appearance at Zara, whither they had followed the army.